GOP defense appropriators spell out CR funding levels for weapons. Will the DoD listen?

Sailors, assigned to Strike Fighter Squadron (VFA) 147, spin up an F-35C Lightning II for maintenance operations on the flight deck of Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS George Washington (CVN 73) while underway in the Pacific Ocean, June 14, 2024. (U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class August Clawson)

WASHINGTON — The leaders of the Senate and House Appropriations defense subcommittees have sent detailed funding tables to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, laying out how they believe the money in the fiscal 2025 continuing resolution should be spent, including on more F-35 fighter jets, C-130s and UH-60 helicopters, according to documents obtained by Breaking Defense.

Included with a letter from Rep. Ken Calvert and Sen. Mitch McConnell, who chair the defense appropriations subcommittees, are 181 pages of funding tables that closely resemble the budget documents in line with the traditional appropriations process, spelling out the details of spending increases and cuts to each line item.

“The enclosures serve as the first step in consultation with the Department. We will make our staffs available to ensure Congressional intent is understood,” Calvert and McConnell wrote.

Funding tables are typically laid out in a report accompanying an appropriations bill, but because these are not connected to the FY25 CR, they may not be legally binding, said Todd Harrison, a budget analyst at the American Enterprise Institute.

“In any prior administration, this letter would have been significant, and I think DoD would have, by default, tried to adhere to it. I think this administration has a very different view on executive power, and I don’t think that they will pay much regard to this letter at all,” he said.

Congress passed the yearlong CR last week. Here are the highlights of how Congressional appropriators would spend the funds included in the CR:

Army: Changes To Drones, Counter-Drones and Vehicles

The funding tables add $240 million for MQ-1C Gray Eagle drones and $60 million for an additional UH-60 Black Hawk for the Army National Guard. In the area of counter-unmanned aerial systems, lawmakers boosted overall funding from $117 million to $302 million, replacing a budget line specifically to buy Coyote launchers and interceptors with a general counter-UAS launchers and interceptors line that will allow the Army greater flexibility.

Vehicle procurement was a mixed bag, with overall funding for the Paladin Integrated Management program increased from about $417 million to $568 million. However, the Armored Multi-Purpose Vehicle funding was cut from $515 million to $381 million. The funding tables also include some cuts to UAS efforts, decreasing  funding for a “future UAS family” by $5.8 million and for small drones by $26 million.

Overall, Army munitions funding fell from $6.2 billion to slightly less than $6 billion. Funding for the service’s Indirect Fire Protection Capability Increment 2 decreased from almost $658 million to $552 million due to what lawmakers deemed as “unjustified” spending on IDDS-A logistics support and “excess pricing” on AIM-9X missiles, among other cuts.

Its long-range hypersonic weapon program also suffered a $75 million funding decrease, and funds for the Lower Tier Air and Missile Defense Sensor were cut by $129 million to a total of $387 million. Procurement and advanced procurement of the Precision Strike Missiles fell by a combined $35 million. Lawmakers also cut spending for the Javelin program by $102 million, citing “unit cost increases” and a program adjustment.

Navy and Marine Corps: Jump For Destroyers, Cut To Frigates

Changes to the shipbuilding accounts were previously spelled out in the language of the CR itself, which means that the Pentagon will be required to spend as Congress demanded. The biggest boost was the addition of $1.5 billion for a third Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyer and a $1 billion cut to the Constellation-class frigate. It also adds $480 million for three ship-to-shore connectors and reduces funding for a medium landing ship to only about $30 million. 

Compared to the Department of the Navy’s FY25 request, GOP appropriators want to add $524 million for four additional F-35Cs while at the same time making about $210 million in other cuts to the F-35B and F-35C programs due to “unjustified growth” in engineering costs and excess support costs.

The tables increase the CH-53K account by $125 million to buy an additional helicopter for the Marine Corps and adds $261 million for two additional KC-130Js for the Navy Reserve.

However, the MQ-25 tanker drone takes a major hit, with the program’s $501 million for procurement of three aircraft whittled down to $50 million. Justification documents state that the funding for low-rate initial production aircraft was “ahead of need.”  

Funding for key munitions accounts also decreased in the funding tables. Standard Missile procurement funds fell from $627 million to about $525 million. The AMRAAM program took a cut of $88 million, while spending on the Joint Air to Ground Missile (JAGM) fell from almost $77 million to $55 million.

Air Force: More Aircraft, R&D Cuts

Air Force aircraft procurement got a modest boost in the funding tables, with lawmakers adding funds for two additional F-35A jets even as they made about $182 million in cuts for “unjustified growth.” The tables would increase funding for C-130Js by $411 million to provide additional aircraft for the Air National Guard, and adds $200 million for two HH-60W combat rescue helicopters.

GOP appropriators spell out their intent to zero out a request for an additional C-40 aircraft citing a “lack of acquisition strategy,” and also cuts about $75 million from the KC-46 program for an unspecified program delay and other unjustified costs. Lawmakers also buzzed the B-21 Raider program with an almost $78 million cut for a “classified adjustment.”

Like the other services, munitions procurement accounts were pared back, with almost $58 million less for AMRAAM missiles, about $21 million less for the Stand-In Attack Weapon, a cut of about $6 million for Small Diameter Bomb IIs, and cuts of about $5 million each for the Joint Air Surface Standoff Missile (JASSM) and AIM-9X.

Several major research and development efforts took major cuts in the funding tables. Lawmakers hope to scale back funding for the service’s Next Generation Air Dominance fighter jet by $325 million, while its Collaborative Combat Aircraft drone program was cut by $70 million.

Lawmakers would also cut about $143 million from the VC-25B program, which will build new presidential airlift known colloquially as Air Force One, as well as decrease funds for Survivable Airborne Operations Center (SAOC) planes by $70 million — though the program may receive the funds it needs to press forward after prime contractor SNC previously warned Breaking Defense of the potential for a delay. 

Space Force: Classified ‘Activities’ Take A Cut

Procurement funding for the Space Force fell by more than $300 million, with the largest cut in the funding tables being a $246 million hit to classified “special space activities.” Funding for national security space launch fell by $78 million, and lawmakers also cut funding for FAB-T terminals by $24 million.

The service’s research and development account, while decreasing only slightly overall from $18.7 billion to $18.5 billion, included some cuts to key programs. Various budget lines associated with the Next-Generation Overhead Persistent Infrared (OPIR) program, including ground stations and satellites, were cut by about $181 million.

GOP appropriators slashed the Resilient Missile Warning and Missile Tracking – Medium Earth Orbit program by $170 million. They also decreased funding for the Evolved Strategic Satcom effort by $128 million and cut the Protected Tactical Service program by $92 million.

However, they would add $40 million for commercial satellite services to provide tactical surveillance, reconnaissance and tracking (TacSRT) — the subject of ongoing tug of war with the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency.

Michael Marrow, Ashley Roque, Justin Katz and Theresa Hitchens contributed to this report.